Dictionnaire infernal antiquarian
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Muhammad, however, did not produce miracles he only brought the sword. Jesus, he reminds his audience, performed true miracles: he cured the sick and revived the dead. 10Īs if to cap his roundabout condemnation of Islam as being contrary to reason and to human nature, and to demonstrate the gullibility of its adherents, Grotius makes reference to several alleged miracles of Muhammad. 9 In sum, Christianity is moderate, Islam extreme: it is grossly licentious in certain ways (Grotius points to the Prophet’s polygamy) and senselessly ascetic in other respects (Grotius refers to Islam’s prohibition of wine and pork). 8 Likewise, those who followed him were ‘people used to making a living off robbery’. 7 Not only that: he was a ‘robber and an adulterer’. 6 While even the Qurʾān, as Grotius notes with a degree of satisfaction, speaks of Jesus as the ‘spirit’ and the ‘word’ of God, there can be no doubt that Muhammad was begotten naturally, the son of human parents. Islam, according to Grotius, is a religion ‘founded on violence’.
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5 However, in his Dutch parenetic poem, Bewys van den waren godsdienst ( Proof of the True Religion), published in 1622, Grotius is thoroughly critical of Muhammad, and of Islam. Grotius even voices a measure of appreciation for the Muslim law of war, urging his Christian audience to follow the example of the Muslims, by rejecting the permissibility of enslaving prisoners of war. In his magnum opus, De iure belli ac pacis ( The Law of War and Peace), first published in 1625, Hugo Grotius shows himself to be suprisingly uninterested in the Ottoman question, presumably out of an anti-Habsburg sentiment. Finally, we ask in what ways Reland’s Muhammad survives in the works of some later 18th- and 19th-century authors.ġ Muhammad in 17th- and Early 18th-Century European Thoughtįor large parts of the 17th century, the Ottomans’ expansion into eastern and southern Europe inspired Christian writers working not just in the southern Catholic but also in the central and northern European lands to formulate vitriolic attacks on Islam and its prophet Muhammad. On this basis, we can proceed to ask to what extent Lessing’s judgement is valid, that is, whether Reland’s work represents a truly new and different view of Muhammad in the Western encounter with Islam. The article ‘Mohammed’ in Barthélemy d’Herbelot’s (1625–1695) groundbreaking Bibliothèque orientale (1697) provides a particularly fertile backdrop against which to evaluate Reland’s assessment of the prophet of Islam.
#Dictionnaire infernal antiquarian professional
Moving on, in a second step, from the widely circulating ideas of these public intellectuals, we examine the learned literature on Muhammad produced by the representatives of the fledgling scholarly guild of professional Arabists and Islamicists around 1700. However, they deserve our attention because we can legitimately assume that their works reflect broadly shared sentiments in Europe at the time. These writers worked in proximity to, but were not themselves members of the Republic of Arabic Letters.
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4 How, then, did Reland contribute to the change in European attitudes toward Islam, and the prophet Muhammad in particular? In order to answer this question, first we survey the major strands of thinking about Muhammad among 17th- and 18th-century Europen intellectuals, as exemplified by Hugo Grotius (1583–1645), Humphrey Prideaux (1648–1724), Henri de Boulainvilliers (1658–1722), and Voltaire (1694–1778). Reland, by contrast, has flown somewhat under the radar of historians of Islamic scholarship in the West. George Sale (1697–1736), the first translator of the Qurʾān from Arabic to English and author of the influential ‘Preliminary Discourse’ (1734), is regularly given credit for facilitating a balanced approach to Islam among the educated European public. 2 The Utrecht professor of Oriental languages Adriaan Reland (1676–1718), who occupied an exalted position in the network of European Arabists around 1700, contributed lastingly to a new and better understanding of the prophet of Islam, to the extent that the German philosopher Gotthold Ephraim Lessing (1729–1781), writing in 1754, could state that ‘we did not possess genuine knowledge … before the works of Reland and Sale, from which we have learned especially that Mahomet was no senseless impostor and that his religion is not merely a poorly woven fabric of inconsistencies and distortions’. 1650–1750), 1 the Western perspective on Muhammad underwent a profound transformation. At the hands of the European Republic of Arabic Letters (ca.